99. [Slavery – Thirteenth Amendment]. Historic engrossed copy of the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution signed by 125 members of Congress - calling for the abolition of slavery throughout the land. Several of the men involved in the amendment’s passage had Congressional clerks engross copies, which were then signed by varying numbers of the men who voted for it. Very few come on the market, and this is the finest we have seen in many years. 1 page (14.75 x 20 in.; 375 x 508 mm.), on parchment, accomplished in manuscript within a ruled border. As with all known copies of this document some of the text and signatures are on the light side as the vellum used for these documents tended to absorb the ink. Scattered spotting with usual toning and minor chipping on edges. Overall in remarkably fine condition.

The heading of the manuscript reads:
“Thirty-eighth Congress of the United States of America, at the Second Session, begun and held at the City of Washington, on Monday, the fifth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and sixty four. A Resolution submitting to the legislatures of the Several States a proposition to amend the Constitution of the United States.” The historic document’s text follows:

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two thirds of both Houses concurring), That the following Article be proposed to the legislatures of the Several States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said legislatures, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely: Article XIII. Section 1. Neither Slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section 2. Congress shall have the power to enforce this Article by appropriate legislation.

Following the text are the signatures of Schuyler Colfax, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Edward McPherson, Clerk of the House of Representatives. To the right is written,
Approved February 1, 1865. Below is written, [Passed] In the Senate April 8, 1864, below which are signatures of (34) Senators who voted for the amendment in five vertical columns. Below the Senatorial signatures is written, [Passed] In the House of Representatives January 31, 1865. Below which are (97) signatures of Representatives of the 38th Congress. Among those signing are many important politicians who served in the Congress during the Civil War and on into the Reconstruction Era that followed. The signatures are:
Senators:

Column 1
James Dixon [CT]
L.M. Morrill [ME]
J.W. Nesmith [OR]
Charles Sumner [MA]
E.D. Morgan [NY]
J. Collamer [VT]
Tim O. Howe [WI]

Column 2
John Conness [CA]
Reverdy Johnson [MD]
Daniel Clark [NH]
William Sprague [RI]
B.F. Wade [OH]
Lyman Trumbull [IL]
H.B. Anthony [RI]

Column 3
Henry Wilson [MA]
W.T. Willey [WV]
H.S. Lane [IN]
S.C. Pomeroy [KS]
J.B. Henderson [MO]
J.H. Lane [KS]
Ira Harris [NY]

Column 4
James W. Grimes [IA]
P.G. Van Winkle [WV]
Solomon Foot [VT]
Edgar Cowan [PA]
Z. Chandler [MI]
John Sherman [OH]
B. Gratz Brown [MO]

Column 5
W.P. Fessenden [ME]
LF.S. Foster [CT]
Alex Ramsey [MN]
J.M. Howard [MI]
J.R. Doolittle [WI]
James Harlan [IA]


Representatives:

Column1
Francis Thomas [MD]
A.C. Wilder [KS]
Nathan F. Dixon [RI]
G.S. Boutwell [MA]
Jesse O. Norton [IL]
M. Russell Thayer [PA]
John W. Longyear [MI]
Charles O’Neill [PA]
Wm. Windom [MN]
Isaac W. Arnold [IL]*
James T. Hale [PA]
J.M. Broomall [PA]
Henry G. Worthington [NV]
H.L. Dawes [MA]
Godlove S. Orth [IN]*
Jacob B. Blair [WV]*
Godlove S. Orth [IN]*
John A. Kasson [IA]*
H. Price [IA]
Samuel Knox [MO]
Henry C. Deming [CT]

Column 2
John B. Steele [NY]
John R. McBride [OR]
John H. Hubbard [CT]
Sidney Perham [ME]
Ephraim R. Eckley [OH]
W.B. Washburne [MA]
J.F. Driggs [MI]
Wm. G. Brown [WV]
F. Clarke [NY]
John D. Baldwin [MA]
M.F. Odell [NY]
E.H.. Rollins [NH]
Schuyler Colfax [IN]
T.A. Jenckes [RI]
J.B. Grinnell [IA]
G.W. Scofield [PA]
A.H. Coffroth [PA]
J.F. Farnsworth [IL]
I.C. Sloan [WI]
Robert Schenck [OH]

Column 3
Joseph Bailey [PA]
Benj. F. Loan [MO]
Alex H. Rice [MA]
W. Higby [CA]
Orlando Kellogg [NY]*
A. Myers [PA]
Henry T. Blow [MO]
Edwin H. Webster [MD]
John A. Kasson [IA]*
A. McAllister [PA]*
J.M. Ashley [OH]
Lucien Anderson [KY]
E.C. Ingersoll [IL]
S. Hooper [MA]
Augustus Brandegee [CT]
James S. Rollins [MO]
John A. Griswold [NY]
F.C. Beaman [MI]
R.P. Spalding [OH]
W.A. Hutchins [OH]

Column
4
James E. English [CT]
J.W. Patterson [NH]
Thomas D. Eliot [MA]
T.B. Shannon [CA]
Oakes Ames [MA]
J.M. Marvin [NY]
Thomas Williams [PA]
John H. Rice [ME]
Henry Winter Davis [MD]
Augustus Frank [NY]
Thaddeus Stevens [PA]
C. Cole [CA]
Giles W. Hotchkiss [NY]
Jacob B. Blair [WV]*
Leonard Myers [PA]
A. McAllister [PA]*
George H. Yeaman [KY]
J.K. Moorhead [PA]
R.B. Van Valkenburgh [NY]

Column 5
Anson Herrick [NY]
J.W. McClurg [MO]
Charles Upson [MI]
Calvin T. Hulburd [NY]
H.W. Tracy [PA]
S.F. Miller [NY]
Theodore M. Pomeroy [NY]
A.W. Hubbard [IA]
Elihu B. Washburne [ME]
N.B. Smithers [DE]
Thomas T. Davis [NY]
James F. Wilson [IA]
Orlando Kellogg [NY]*
Isaac W. Arnold [IL]*
F. Clarke [NY*
Fred A. Pike [ME]*
Fred E. Woodbridge [VT]



* Denotes duplicate signatures.

The History of Emancipation

In an effort to retain the loyalty of the border "slave" states (Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri), where uncertain Union sentiments prevailed, President Lincoln resisted the demands of the radical Republicans for abolition of slavery. Yet, various military actions taken in 1861-62 were, in essence, "emancipation proclamations", hailed by anti-slavery radicals.

- On 25 May 1861, General Benjamin F. Butler, in command of Fortress Monroe, Virginia, ruled that slaves escaping to his lines were "contraband of war", and were subject to confiscation. He stated that they would not be returned to their owners, and used them as laborers on fortifications.

A few months later, Congressional action echoed Butler's action. The Confiscation Act (6 August 1861) gave freedom to slaves used in aid of the rebellion.

- On 30 August 1861, General John C. Fremont invoked martial law in the state of Missouri, which was being ravaged by Confederate guerrillas, and announced the confiscation of the property of all persons in Missouri who had taken up arms against the government, declaring their slaves emancipated.

The Fremont action was embarrassing to Lincoln. Lincoln quickly explained to Fremont that his edict would antagonize not only border-state loyalists but also Northern Democrats, who would support a war for the Union but not an attack on slavery. Lincoln requested that Fremont amend his proclamation to conform to the act passed by Congress on August 6, which authorized confiscation of property used in the aid of insurrection. Not gaining support from Fremont, Lincoln himself declared that "...said proclamation be so modified...as to conform to...the act of Congress." (2 September 1861). Lincoln found himself attacked by the anti-slavery press. Lincoln dismissed Fremont. The Fremont case was a dramatic example of the need for cautious and wise statesmanship in the future.

Lincoln had pledged that he would not attack slavery in the states. But, it soon became clear to Lincoln that he could not resist the anti-slavery pressure much longer. On 6 March 1862, he recommended that Congress pass a joint resolution offering financial aid to any state that would take measures toward gradual, compensated emancipation (the government's purchase of the slaves, i.e., buying their freedom). He personally drafted two separate bills to affect such a course of action in Delaware. He argued that border state emancipation would materially shorten the war by dispelling the last hope of the Confederates that their sister slave states might join them in revolt against the Union. And his main goal was to save the Union.

On 14 March 1862, Lincoln wrote an historic letter to Senator James A. McDougall, a California War Democrat, in which he asked McDougall to renounce his opposition to the proposal, explaining that $1,000,000 - or less than one half-day's cost of the war - would buy all the slaves in Delaware at $400 per head; and that $174,000,000 - or less than eighty-seven days' cost of the war - would purchase all the slaves in the four border states and the District of Columbia. Lincoln argued that if his plan was put into effect, it would cost a minimal amount when compared to the cost of the "indefinite prosecution of the war." As well, the war would be shortened by the adoption of his plan - if such an expenditure (i.e., the cost of compensated emancipation) was made: "Do you doubt that taking the initiatory steps on the part of those states and this District, would shorten the war more than eighty-seven days, and thus be an actual saving of expense." [Despite Lincoln's personal plea, McDougall continued to oppose compensated emancipation, delivering before the Senate (26 March) a speech in which he questioned the use of federal money for such purposes.] Lincoln also wrote to Horace Greeley (24 March 1862) regarding his proposed gradual compensated emancipation, with the words: "...we should urge it persuasively, and not menacingly, upon the South." In the letter, he also voiced his uneasiness over the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, preferring that the border states instead adopt the proposal: "I am a little uneasy about the abolishment of slavery in this District, not but I would be glad to see it abolished, but as to the time and manner of doing it. If some one or more of the border-states would move fast, I should greatly prefer it..."

Lincoln's plan recommending compensated emancipation of slaves in states that adopted gradual abolition came before Congress. Though it lacked the authority of law (and was merely a declaration of policy), it passed both House and Senate by large majorities (10 April 1862). However, not one vote came from the border-state Democrats. In support of the spirit of the resolution, Congress passed a bill (16 April 1862) providing for gradual, compensated emancipation in the District of Columbia (the average compensation paid by the government was $300), with voluntary colonization of freed Negroes in Haiti and Liberia.

- On 9 May 1862, as if testing Lincoln, General David Hunter proclaimed the emancipation of slaves in his Department (including Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina).

Lincoln revoked Hunter's action (19 May 1862).

On 19 June 1862, Congress passed another act - though no compensation was provided - abolishing slavery in the territories of the United States. Lincoln continued to appeal to the loyal states to enact gradual and compensated emancipation, arguing that if the gradual emancipation resolution had been passed back in March, the war would be substantially ended. However, despite Lincoln's repeated pleas, the Border States remained unmoved in their opposition to his plan. As well, the shift of public opinion was toward a more radical position on slavery, and Lincoln began to feel the pressure to acquiesce to the strong anti-slavery sentiment.

A month later (17 July 1862), Congress passed an act that liberated slaves of all persons who committed treason or supported the rebellion. It also gave Lincoln complete discretion in the employment of Negroes for the Union cause.

President Lincoln personally disliked slavery, but, as the Chief Executive, he was constrained by his campaign pledges and by his oath to uphold the Constitution to preserve the government and the nation. If the Union was to go under, he did not want to cause it by insisting - eitherr on saving or ending slavery. He had shaped his policies with the hope of commanding the united support of the Republicans, the War Democrats, and loyal border-state slave owners. Over time, however, the pressure from the anti-slavery Republicans could no longer be ignored. He needed their support to win the war. He also began to realize that liberal groups in Europe had to be taken into account as well.

The decision to call for the abolition of slavery was to have immense consequences for the nation and for the continuing Union war effort. As a military tactic, the action would be extremely effective, for it was likely that the economic system of the enemy would be paralyzed. On 22 July, Lincoln read his emancipation proclamation to his assembled cabinet, in which all slaves in the rebellious states were freed. The timing of the announcement of the new policy was critical, however, as it would seem like an admission of defeat - "the last shriek on our retreat" - if not announced at a time of Union victory, so the announcement was delayed.

Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation was issued shortly after the (inconclusive) Union victory at the Battle of Antietam (17 September) – on 22 September 1862 - declaring that, as of 1 January 1863, all persons held as slaves behind Confederate lines would be declared "...then, thenceforward, and forever free." The Union policy toward slavery had reversed itself completely.

As 1 January 1863 drew near, Lincoln continued to believe that emancipation by the Border States would speed up the end of the war. As well, compensated emancipation still seemed to be his desired course of action. In his December message to Congress, Lincoln had recommended the adoption of a constitutional amendment providing for remuneration in the form of government bonds to all states abolishing slavery before the year 1900, guaranteeing freedom to all slaves liberated by the war (with compensation to loyal masters), and authorizing Congress to provide for colonization of freed Negroes. New Year's Day came, and so did the Proclamation, decreeing that all slaves in the rebellious areas should be forever free. But what about slaves in states loyal to the Union - or in the Union-occupied South? Specifically, what about the Louisiana parishes, where Congressmen had been elected, though Congress had not yet consented to seat their representatives? What about Tennessee, where Governor Johnson had brought about a restoration of civil government? What about two counties on the eastern shore of Virginia? What about the areas around Norfolk and Fortress Monroe, where the Union army exercised control? And what about those counties of Western Virginia soon to be admitted as a state?

The reaction: Abolitionist extremists deemed the measure half-hearted. The Border States foresaw social disaster. Pro-slavery Northern Democrats labeled Lincoln a turncoat who had deceived them into supporting a war for the Union. Secession leaders claimed that the proclamation showed there could be no reconciliation, and that the war would have to be fought to its bitter end. In fact, there were few immediate effects, for the proclamation applied only in areas where he exercised no authority, and left undisturbed slavery where he could control it. In December, 1863, Lincoln offered a general plan of reconciliation to the South, with his Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction (December 8, 1863), which offered pardons to Confederates who took a loyalty oath to the Constitution, and swore to support the Emancipation Proclamation, together with all acts of Congress dealing with slaves.

At the same time, the first resolutions for a Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery came before the House and Senate. During the First Session of the Thirty-Eighth Congress (8 April 1864), the resolution calling for the submission of the amendment to the states won its required two-thirds vote easily in the Senate (reported to the Senate by Lyman Trumbull, the chairman of the Judiciary Committee), passing by a vote of 38 to 6, but was defeated in the House (June 1864) by a vote of 95 to 66.

On 31 January 1865, during the Second Session of the 38th Congress, the House reconsidered the amendment following a post-election appeal by President Lincoln who declared the people's mandate had been ignored. (The amendment had been part of the Republican Party platform on which he ran in November, 1864.) This time, the measure passed by a vote of 119 to 56, with 8 Democratic Congressmen abstaining (not voting) to allow the two-thirds majority. The joint resolution was sent to the states for ratification, for the amendment could not become law without ratification by three-fourths of the states.

Even though his signature was not necessary for approval, President Lincoln followed his usual custom, of adding his signature of approval to copies of resolutions and acts of Congress. On 1 February 1865, he signed a printed form routinely used for the engrossment of joint resolutions with the words: "Approved February 1, 1865". (The Supreme Court had ruled, in 1798, that an amendment's passage required only its adoption by Congress, and did not require the Chief Executive's signature. The Senate was so offended by Lincoln's unnecessary signing that six days later the chamber adopted a resolution on the subject).

Illinois, Lincoln's home state, was the first to ratify (February 1), followed by Rhode Island and Michigan (2 February), and Maryland, New York, and West Virginia (February 3). All in all, 19 northern states ratified as well as 8 of the late Confederate states, making a total of 27 (out of 36). A total of 31 of the 36 states were finally credited with actual ratification, as some of the state legislative efforts were considered invalid (Delaware & Kentucky - both rejected ratification; Texas - claimed not to have acted legally on the resolution; and Alabama and Mississippi - ratified conditionally).

Abraham Lincoln was never destined to see his amendment ratified. The President died by an assassin's hand on 15 April 1865. Though the amendment was not declared passed until 18 December 1865 (Secretary of State Seward proclaimed on that day that the 13th Amendment had become law - with 27 of the 36 states ratifying the resolution), slavery had already begun a process of disintegration immediately following the pronouncement of the Emancipation Proclamation. As of 1 January 1863, the proclamation declared that slaves behind Confederate lines were free. By February 1865, as the result of the Emancipation Proclamation, approximately 200,000 slaves had gained their freedom. However, slaves in states loyal to the Union or in the Union-occupied South were still not liberated. There were still almost a million slaves in bondage 10 months later, when the 13th Amendment was ratified.
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